Hunger, Heroism, and Hope in Bahrain

As I write this article in London, Abdulhadi al-Khawaja is in a life-threatening situation in Bahrain. The popular civil rights activist was arrested one year ago during the peaceful demonstrations against the monarchy and tortured. He was subsequently sentenced to life in prison by a military court. On February 8, al-Khawaja began his hunger strike for freedom or death in order to protest against the imprisonment of democratic activists in Bahrain. The government refuses to release al-Khawaja, even though the White House is interceding on his behalf. So far, Bahrain has been the only country where the USA is not supporting the Arab Spring because the US Navy maintains a large base there. If al-Khawaja dies, it would not only foil the monarchy's effort to restore its reputation that was severely damaged by the violent suppression of the protests following February 14, 2011, which was aided by Saudi troops. The death of the civil rights activist could also radicalize the opposition and their willingness to resort to violence.



The hunger strike by al-Khawaja puts the authoritarian regime in Bahrain back into the headlines. The 50-year-old joined the opposition against the Sunni royal family of al-Khalifa, which has reigned since the 19th century and prohibits political participation by the Shiite majority of the population. Al-Khawaja was initially close to the militant Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain (IFLB), but then distanced himself from this group and became a promoter of peaceful activities against the regime A major contributing factor was his experience during exile in Denmark during the 1990s, which is where he acquired the Western tradition of human rights. After his return to Bahrain in 2002, al-Khawaja started establishing a democratic opposition. He was imprisoned in 2004 after he demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Khalifa ibn Salman al-Khalifa, who has ruled Bahrain since 1971. This broke a taboo at that time, but the government-approved opposition party Al Wefaq has now also demanded the resignation of the prime minister.

February 14th

The regime's rigid attitude provided fertile grounds for the February 14th Movement, which was supported by young Bahrainis and emerged spontaneously under the inspiration of the democratic revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. The Youth of February 14th initially had no clear common plans or goals. It relied on autonomous activities and opposed a centralized organization. This was also intended to prevent the Bahraini secret police from infiltrating the movement and identifying its leaders. Similar to the Tahrir Square in Cairo or later Zuccotti Park in Manhattan, the area around the Pearl Monument in the financial district of the Bahraini capital of Manama became the center of protests against the regime following February 14th. The government had the site cleared multiple times and closed it off in the middle of March 2011 after Saudi troops moved in.

Shortly thereafter, the Pearl Monument (called Lulu by the Bahrainis) was torn down on the orders of the prime minister. But the regime completely misjudged the consequences of this act. Even loyal supporters of the royal family were shocked by it, especially since the government presented contradictory reasons for the destruction of Lulu. While the foreign minister said that it was intended to eradicate bad memories, other officials said that it would serve to improve the flow of traffic. So why has the area around the former Pearl Monument been closed off for more than a year and resembles army barracks? Access roads are guarded by tanks and tents for soldiers now stand on the former site of the monument.

The Movement Is Still Alive

The regime has only further undermined its own legitimacy by crushing the demonstrations and arresting thousands of activists. So far, almost 60 activists have lost their lives. Nevertheless, the regime has not succeeded in destroying the February 14th Movement. Lulu disappeared as a concrete structure, but it has become an indestructible symbol. Due to the decentralized structure of the opposition, the movement continues to live on. February 14th is now organizing smaller activities instead of large demonstrations. The movement is sticking to its principle of only resorting to peaceful means in this process. There are weekly protests in many villages under the motto of self-determination despite major efforts by security forces. The police is trying to isolate the individual villages from each other, but protesters managed to break through barriers last fall and pass on 15 “freedom torches.”

The movement is creative and has broad support among the population. Websites such as bahrainwatch.org and bahrainonline.org serve as the opposition's communication platform to disseminate their cause, and digital animation on YouTube shows a resurrected Pearl Monument. Villagers burn car tires to keep their protest visible. February 14th recently organized roadside family picnics  that grew into full-blown protest marches. The symbolic power of Lulu became evident on the anniversary of the first protests when thousands returned to Pearl Square. Although they were dispelled, this action once again shows that the regime cannot turn back time.

Growing Insecurity

A development that could have dangerous consequences has been set into motion in Bahrain. Abdulhadi al-Khawaja was arrested in April of last year because he was the first to demand the abdication of the royal family and the transformation of Bahrain into a democratic republic. This radicalization puts the established opposition under increased pressure. Since February 14, 2011, the Al Wefaq party has been facing the question of whether to join the peaceful revolution or maintain its neutrality – which makes it regime collaborators in the eyes of the populace. So far, Al Wefaq has refrained from whole-heartedly supporting the opposition.

However, Al-Khawaja's hunger strike has also caused some cracks in the regime. Factions within the royal family fight over the release of the civil rights activists in order to not jeopardize a planned Formula 1 race in Bahrain. Numerous racing teams refuse to participate at the event in the shadow of a brutal dictatorship. On the other hand, the Bahraini security apparatus seems willing to accept al-Khawaja's death. But some officials want to revoke his citizenship and send him into exile to resolve the problem. At the same time, radical forces are gaining support on the opposition's side. Although the February 14th Movement is still insisting on peaceful change, two bomb attacks were committed in the first half of April. Al-Khawaja's death could turn a conflict that has had a political nature so far into a bloody fight for the regime's survival. Consequently, the monarchy's half-hearted attempts at reform would no longer have a future.

Few men have faced injustice and inequality with Abdulhadi al- Khawaja’s determination in a region where civil rights activists must choose between prison and petrodollars. His impressive courage and dignified conduct have provided him with great moral authority. The regime is now facing a moment of truth: Will it allow al-Khawaja to die for his convictions while the world is finally once again paying attention to the conditions in Bahrain?

Ala'a Shehabi comes from a prominent Shiite family in Bahrain. Her father is a founder of the Al Wefaq modern opposition party. Ala'a Shehabi studied at the London Imperial College, lectured on economics, and worked for the RAND Europe think tank. In April 2011, the police arrested her husband Ghazi Farhan in Bahrain for being a supposed opponent of the regime and tortured him. Farhan was released in February 2012 due to an Internet campaign. Ala'a Shehabi has since left Bahrain and works from the United Kingdom to establish democracy in her homeland.